OTTAWA – As Ukraine’s war reaches its fourth year, Ottawa’s support for Kyiv remains unwavering. The Liberal government has promised more than $19.5 billion, including military, financial, and humanitarian help. Of that, $5 billion comes from seized Russian assets, placing Canada among the most generous supporters of Ukraine in per-person aid. The support from liberals highlights Canada’s commitment to international alliances.
However, a clear contradiction stands out: while Canadian taxpayers fund Ukraine’s defence, officials have said little about China and India, two countries that continue to buy vast amounts of Russian oil and gas. Both are close trade partners for Canada. At the same time, the government has opened its doors to large numbers of immigrants from these countries, raising questions about the consistency and priorities of Canada’s foreign policy.
Furthermore, the actions of the liberals showcase a strategic approach towards global partnerships.
Canada’s Steadfast Backing of Ukraine and the Role of Liberals
The Trudeau government has provided an extensive package to support Ukraine since Russia invaded in early 2022. This help has included weapons, military vehicles, drones, financial loans, and aid for displaced Ukrainians. ana
In February 2025, Former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced another $5 billion from profits taken from Russian assets frozen in Canada, a move Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy praised as bold and much-needed.
Canada also sent $2.4 billion in military equipment, including tanks and anti-tank arms, making it a leader in support by population size among Western allies.
Then Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland, who has Ukrainian heritage, has played a key role in building international support for Ukraine. She helped convince other G7 countries to freeze $280 billion in Russian government funds, with Canada’s share at $19 billion.
Freeland has said that Ukraine will start to see this money soon. The government frames its actions as a moral duty to help a democracy under attack by an authoritarian neighbour.
Yet this stance loses clarity when looking at Canada’s dealings with China and India. Both are the main buyers of Russian oil, which has allowed Moscow to keep its military campaign going.
Ottawa’s silence on this, while welcoming skilled workers and investment from these same countries, has led to accusations of hypocrisy that hurt the government’s standing in Canada and abroad.
China and India’s Role in Buying Russian Oil
Since Russia launched its attack on Ukraine, Western countries have tried to reduce Moscow’s oil revenue. The G7 set a $60 price cap on Russian oil, and the EU banned most Russian energy imports. Despite these barriers, Russia redirected much of its oil toward countries not taking part in Western sanctions. China and India have turned into Russia’s top energy customers.
Data from the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA) shows that in the third year after the invasion, Russia made €242 billion from global fossil fuel exports. Together, China (€78 billion) and India (€49 billion), plus Turkey, made up nearly three-quarters of this income.
India, especially, has ramped up its imports of cheap Russian crude, which now supplies around 40% of its market, up from under 1% before the war. India has become the largest purchaser of seaborne Russian crude, even passing China.
Many Indian refineries then export diesel and jet fuel to Europe, which has banned direct purchases of Russian oil. CREA estimates that G7 countries bought €9 billion worth of oil products made from Russian crude in 2024, showing a gap in the sanctions effort.
China, the world’s largest oil buyer, has also increased its purchases of Russian crude and liquefied natural gas. Paying in renminbi and using a fleet of tankers to hide the oil’s origin, China helps Russia skirt Western rules. These trade flows helped Russia bring in about $192 billion from oil sales in 2024, money used to maintain the war.
Liberals’ Quiet Approach and Business As Usual
Despite knowing this, Canadian officials have mostly avoided speaking out about China and India’s ties with Russia’s energy sector. This silence stands in contrast to Ottawa’s loud support for Ukraine and ongoing criticism of Russian aggression.
Instead, the Liberals continue to build their trade and diplomatic partnerships with both countries.
Immigration numbers also reflect this trend. In 2024, Canada welcomed over 485,000 new permanent residents, with India and China as the top source countries. Nearly four in ten new arrivals came from India, thanks to pathways like Express Entry and international student visas.
The government has often explained this as a way to tackle labour shortages. Marc Miller, the former Minister of Immigration, had said Canada needs skilled newcomers from these countries to grow its economy. Trade relations have also grown, with two-way trade with India reaching $10 billion in 2024 and talks underway for a partnership deal.
Yet welcoming people and business from countries that buy Russian oil makes Ottawa’s moral case for supporting Ukraine look shaky. Many Canadians question the fairness of committing billions of public money to Ukraine while ignoring the financing of Russia’s military by Canada’s closest economic partners.
A Question of Integrity in Liberal Policy
The Carney government faces growing criticism for what many see as a double standard. Canada is quick to put resources into Ukraine and to freeze Russian money, yet it keeps quiet about the economic ties China and India maintain with Russia. Trade and immigration links with Beijing and New Delhi have become stronger without addressing their role in propping up Moscow.
Critics say this selective outrage makes it hard for Canada to be credible internationally. Dr. Anupam Manur, an economist at the Takshashila Institution in India, has said Canada cannot punish Russia while ignoring its partners who help keep Russian oil flowing. Some Canadian commentators on social media point out that the focus on Ukraine comes as issues like healthcare and affordable housing at home are left unresolved.
The government’s refusal to criticize China and India may be a pragmatic choice. Both countries are important for Canada’s economic plans, especially if trade with the US becomes more challenging. India’s vast market and China’s global influence are tough to replace. Strong ties with Indian and Chinese communities in Canada also play a role, making any confrontation on oil politics risky.
A Need for Consistency
As Canada keeps backing Ukraine, it faces tough choices in foreign policy. The government’s reluctance to call out the support China and India give Russia may hurt trust at home and abroad. Sending aid and seizing Russian funds helps, but pressure on all countries involved in the Russian oil trade is needed.
Canada could support tighter energy sanctions, including measures that target buyers like China and India. Playing an active role in international talks on oil market transparency could also help close loopholes. At home, leaders need to explain the trade-offs of these decisions to Canadians, making clear how economic and moral interests are weighed.
Unless policies change, Canada’s support for Ukraine will continue to face criticism for these mixed messages. For a country that often claims to show principled leadership, this split between words and actions is a reputational risk that will not go away on its own.
